Burkina Faso and Eswatini to Host 5th and 6th Anti-Rights African Inter-Parliamentary Conferences in 2027 as Organisers Push Institutionalisation and Expansion Across Africa

Organisers of the African Inter-Parliamentary Conference on Family Values and Sovereignty have scheduled two anti-rights convenings for 2027 in Burkina Faso (May) and Eswatini (August/September) as they seek to expand into francophone Africa, increase the frequency of their meetings, and fully institutionalise a growing continental network dedicated to advancing the proposed African Charter on Family Values and Sovereignty. Human rights advocates warn that the Charter threatens women’s rights, LGBTQI+ rights, sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR), public health programmes, digital rights, civic space, and democratic freedoms across Africa. The decision to organise two large-scale continental conferences within a single year also raises questions about the potentially unrestricted amount of financial, logistical, and political support available to organisers and their international partners as they work to entrench their agenda across the continent.

The organisers of the controversial African Inter-Parliamentary Conference on Family Values and Sovereignty have announced plans to hold two separate continental conferences in 2027, signalling a significant escalation in efforts to institutionalise and expand what human rights advocates describe as a growing transnational anti-rights movement.

The decision was announced on June 5, 2026, during the closing General Assembly of the 4th African Inter-Parliamentary Conference on Family Values and Sovereignty held in Accra, Ghana.

Under the new arrangement, Burkina Faso will host the 5th African Inter-Parliamentary Conference on Family Values and Sovereignty in May 2027, while Eswatini will host the 6th edition later the same year, around August or September 2027.

The decision means that for the first time since the initiative began, organisers will convene two major continental conferences within a single year.

The move reflects a broader strategy by organisers to accelerate expansion of the network, deepen political coordination among participating lawmakers, and build permanent institutional structures capable of advancing their policy agenda throughout Africa.

Organisers Seek More Frequent Convenings

The proposal emerged after both Burkina Faso and Eswatini expressed interest in hosting the next conference.

During the General Assembly, conference convenor Hon. Sarah Achieng Opendi, former Member of Parliament for Tororo District in Uganda, explained that organisers wanted to avoid division between competing bids and instead viewed the situation as an opportunity to increase the frequency of meetings.

According to Opendi, previous conferences had all been hosted in English-speaking countries, with Uganda hosting three editions between 2023 and 2025 and Ghana hosting the fourth in 2026.

She argued that awarding the next conference to Burkina Faso would help extend the initiative into francophone Africa while allowing Eswatini to host a subsequent conference linked to a major national cultural event later in the year.

“The more frequent we meet, the better for us,” Opendi told delegates, framing the decision as part of efforts to strengthen continental unity around what organisers describe as family values and sovereignty.

The proposal was subsequently endorsed by delegates.

Second Deputy Speaker of Ghana’s Parliament, Hon. Andrew Asiamah Amoako, sought clarification on whether the Eswatini gathering would officially constitute a sixth conference.

Opendi confirmed that it would.

“We have a lot of work to do when we talk about institutionalisation of this particular network,” she said. “There is a lot of work to do, including approving the constitution and all that. What will govern us? So, we have a lot of work to do. We can have the fifth conference in Burkina Faso and then the sixth conference in Eswatini.”

Her remarks provided one of the clearest indications yet that organisers are moving beyond annual conferences towards establishing a permanent continental institution with its own governance structures, constitution, membership systems, and policy agenda.

Expansion Into Francophone Africa

The selection of Burkina Faso is also strategically significant.

Since the conference began, it has been concentrated largely within anglophone Africa.

Uganda hosted the first three editions from 2023 to 2025 before Ghana became the first West African host in 2026.

Moving the conference to Burkina Faso appears designed to strengthen the network’s presence in francophone Africa and broaden political support for the movement’s objectives.

Organisers have repeatedly stated their ambition to secure support from lawmakers and governments across all regions of the continent.

The addition of Eswatini as a second host country within the same year further demonstrates the network’s growing ambitions and organisational capacity.

Adoption of the African Charter on Family Values and Sovereignty

The most significant outcome of the Accra conference was the adoption of the proposed African Charter on Family Values and Sovereignty.

Conference organisers have spent several years developing the document as a continent-wide framework intended to influence national laws, public policy, education systems, family law, and governance structures across Africa.

Supporters describe the Charter as a tool for protecting traditional family structures, strengthening national sovereignty, and resisting what they characterise as foreign ideological influence.

However, human rights advocates across Africa have warned that the proposed Charter represents a coordinated anti-rights legal and political project that threatens existing protections relating to equality, non-discrimination, bodily autonomy, freedom of expression, freedom of association, and access to healthcare.

Critics argue that the Charter seeks to entrench a narrow definition of family and marriage while providing political justification for restrictions on LGBTQI+ rights, women’s rights, sexual and reproductive health and rights, comprehensive sexuality education, gender equality initiatives, and civil society participation.

The Charter is also viewed by many advocates as part of a broader effort to weaken existing African human rights instruments, including the Maputo Protocol on the Rights of Women in Africa.

Not All Delegations Supported the Charter

Despite organisers celebrating the Charter’s adoption, support was not unanimous.

South Africa formally abstained from endorsing the document.

Its delegation stated that provisions defining marriage exclusively as a union between a man and a woman conflict with South Africa’s Constitution and established constitutional protections.

Mozambique also declined to endorse the Charter immediately, indicating that it wished to conduct further consultations and review the document with relevant national stakeholders before taking a final position.

The abstentions highlight emerging divisions among African states regarding attempts to establish continent-wide standards on family, sexuality, gender, and human rights.

African Union Push Planned for 2027

Organisers have made clear that adoption of the proposed Charter at the conference level is only the first step.

Their stated objective is to secure consideration and eventual adoption of the Charter by the African Union.

Several conference sessions focused on strategies for mainstreaming conference outcomes through national legislatures, regional institutions, and African Union processes.

If successful, proponents hope the Charter could eventually influence legal and policy frameworks across multiple African countries.

Human rights organisations have warned that such an outcome could have significant implications for women, LGBTQI+ persons, human rights defenders, public health practitioners, journalists, educators, and civil society organisations throughout the continent.

Foreign Conservative Networks Continue to Shape the Movement

Although conference organisers frequently frame their initiative as a defence of African sovereignty against foreign influence, the movement continues to maintain significant links with foreign conservative organisations and actors from outside the continent.
Among the most influential are Family Watch International, a United States-based organisation led by Sharon Slater, and Christian Council International, a Netherlands-based organisation led by Henk Jan van Schothorst. Both organisations have played prominent roles in supporting the broader “family values” movement and the development of the proposed African Charter on Family Values and Sovereignty.


While Sharon Slater did not attend the Accra conference, Henk Jan van Schothorst was present and participated in the proceedings held inside the Chamber of the Parliament of Ghana. His attendance highlighted the continued involvement of European conservative actors in a conference that is frequently presented as an African-led response to foreign influence.


Critics argue that this presents a fundamental contradiction. While conference organisers describe the initiative as a defence of African values against external ideological influence, many of the networks, strategies, partnerships, and advocacy models associated with the movement originate from conservative organisations based in the United States and Europe. Human rights advocates contend that the conference represents not simply an African policy dialogue but part of a broader transnational movement seeking to reshape laws and public policy across multiple regions.


The growing involvement of foreign conservative actors has raised questions about the sources of financial, technical, and political support available to the movement. These questions have become more pronounced following the decision to organise two major continental conferences in 2027, only months apart, while simultaneously pursuing the institutionalisation of the network and a campaign to secure African Union adoption of the proposed Charter.

Ghana’s Anti-LGBTQ Coalition and International Alliances

In Ghana, one of the most influential participants was the National Coalition for Proper Human Sexual Rights and Family Values, led by Moses Foh-Amoaning.

Speaking during the conference, Foh-Amoaning called for stronger intercontinental coordination among groups opposed to LGBTQ+ rights.

He urged African lawmakers and advocacy organisations to build alliances with counterparts in Asia and the Middle East in response to what he described as aggressive promotion of LGBTQ+ rights by the United Nations and other international institutions.

His remarks reinforced concerns among observers that the conference is seeking to build a broader transnational anti-rights movement rather than merely influencing domestic policy debates.

The coalition has previously acknowledged its international affiliations.

In a December 2023 interview published by the Daily Graphic, Foh-Amoaning stated that the coalition was affiliated with the World Congress of Families and the UN Family Caucus and maintained relationships with numerous international partners.

The coalition has also disclosed efforts to implement what it describes as a “Comprehensive Schools Sexuality Evangelism Programme” in primary and secondary schools as an alternative to comprehensive sexuality education.

Questions About Resources and Sustainability

The decision to organise two large-scale continental conferences within a single year has also raised questions regarding the scale of resources available to organisers.

International conferences involving parliamentary delegations, government officials, legal experts, religious leaders, advocacy groups, accommodation, travel support, logistics, and media operations typically require significant financial investment.

The ability to organise successive conferences in Burkina Faso and Eswatini only months apart suggests access to substantial financial, organisational, and political support.

For human rights advocates monitoring the initiative, the announcement signals that the movement is entering a new phase.

What began as a periodic conference series is increasingly evolving into a permanent transnational network seeking to institutionalise its structures, expand geographically, secure African Union recognition, and influence laws and policies across the continent.

The decisions taken in Accra suggest that organisers are no longer focused solely on convening conferences. Their objective now appears to be the creation of a durable continental institution capable of advancing a long-term political, legal, and ideological agenda across Africa.

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